Target: South Africa Part 3 (of a 4 part series)

Enter the ANC

When it was founded in 1912 as the South African Native National Conference, the ANC’s leaders were mission-educated ministers, lawyers, and other professionals whose idea was to supersede tribal loyalties in favor of the common interests of all black Africans. Its Christian outlook was reflected into modern times in the person of Chief Albert Luthuli, winner of the 1960 Nobel Peace Prize (itself within the Rothschild orbit –more on this later), who was ANC President from 1952-1967. He was a staunch anti-communist.

In 1921 Lenin, from Moscow, sent a number of communists to found the South African Communist Party the SACP. This new party began its bid to control the nascent SA ANC. When the SACP was banned by the Nats in 1950, many of its members joined the ANC in order to continue their work under a new cover. More than 90% of the permanent full-time posts in the ANC (pre-1994) were controlled by the SACP. So, it was impossible for the ANC to divorce itself from the ANC. If they did, there was nothing left.

Why was the SACP so dangerous for the ANC, or for that matter, any liberation or nationalist movement? To find the answer, we have to go back to the 1830s of Europe. 

The Origin of Communism

The Europe of the 19th Century was one of rule of the monarchy.  The kings were the supreme authority. At this time, the Rothschild family was rapidly rising to great power status. And they found that, in many respects, they were blocked by royal protocol, rules, norms and laws. The aim of the family was to abolish such power by the monarchs of Europe. They wanted a parliamentary type of government, in which they could more easily control the affairs of state.

A solution soon found itself. The Austrian Rothschilds formed an NGO in 1830, called the League of Just Men. This NGO then issued a ‘tender’ for a project that aimed at solving this dilemma for the family. Three candidates were chosen, and asked to format a new policy to achieve this way. The winner was none other than Karl Marx. His book, the Communist Manifesto, now formed the blueprint for the Rothschilds to implement this strategy. Thus, communism was born.

Communism is associated with the color red. Why? Simple answer. The Rothschilds original name was Bauer. In the Jewish Ghettoes of Europe, streets had no names, and houses had no names. Houses were distinguished by some kind of a flag, or sign outside their houses. The Bauer family in the Jewish quarters of Frankfurt had a red flag, or shield outside their front door. So, if anyone were to ask a member of the Bauer family as to where they lived, they replied that their house had a red shield. Thus, the family came to be known as the House of the Red Shield, or the House of Rothschild.

Since the family founded communism, funded and nurtured it, it is only proper for all communist movements to be headed by Jews. When the Bolsheviks took power in Moscow, Russia, in 1917, 93% of its top leaders were Jewish! Likewise, in the South African Communist Party, one finds that most of the white leaders in the SACP are Jewish! Names such as Joe Slovo, Ruth First, Bram Fischer, Ronnie Kasrils, Jeremy Cronin,  and many more. And all were of Khazar Jewish stock, or the Ashkenazi.

Non-Jewish members of the ANC were and are Chris Hani, Mac Maharaj, Yusuf Dadoo, Moses Kotane. And the funny part is that these non-Jewish members have zero clue that the SACP is controlled by the Rothschilds, or that the Rothschild family is following the Levitical/Talmudic/Illuminati/Zionist creed of “destroy”, “hate”, and “racialism” to the nth degree!

Having read the 4 preceding articles –“The Start of the Affair”, and “The Controversy of Zion”, most readers are by now very aware of the mindset of these Jews with their destructive, messianic vision. When the Bolsheviks and Communists were in firm control in Moscow, the Rothschilds instructed Lenin to send some of his people to South Africa, to infiltrate the nascent ANC, and to make sure that they do not embark on any policies or programs that would hinder Anglo/De Beers in South Africa. The SACP, today, follows the same agenda, wherein, its followers think that they are helping their people. In reality, the SACP is there to hinder economic development and facilitate the continued looting of the South African economy by the Anglo/Oppenheimer complex. Do not be fooled by the passionate speeches by the SACP. They are a wolf in sheep’s clothing!

The ANC’s arsenal of struggle acquired a horrible new dimension after the 1978 trip it leadership took to Cambodia, where the murderous Pol Pot regime was in power. This trip was organized by Mwezi Twala, a senior ANC/SACP member. The SACP organized this trip to “learn how the revolutions had triumphed”, and to apply the methods of the Cambodians communists to South Africa.

When they returned in January 1979, they were sent to erect the notorious Quatro prison in Angola. Some 600 ANC members disappeared or were murdered in the camps, while another 1,000 or so, out of an MK(the ANC/SACP’s armed wing, called Umkhonto We Sizwe) force estimated at around 6,000 were killed in liberation wars outside South Africa.

The SACP has often belittled its control over the ANC, but SACP head Chris Hani spoke frankly in November 1991, in the Western Cape “We in the Communist Party have participated in and built the ANC—we have made the ANC what it is today and the ANC is our organization.”

The influence on the ANC of the Khmer Rouge genocidalists was seen in the ‘peoples courts’ springing up in the townships, where youths were encouraged or even forced to turn on their elders.

ANC security began to recruit youngsters who could be brainwashed to kill on command. These youths “don’t ask questions, but just carry out orders’. The pool of such youngsters grew as the ANC/SACP campaigned with the slogan, “liberation before education”. Students were forcibly kept from attending school, and again, on the model of Pol Pot’s Cambodia, many schools were burnt to the ground. One estimate is that 5.4 million children, an entire generation, are illiterate because of this policy.

The ANC’s practice of mass intimidation included assassination and necklacing (where a car tyre filled with petrol is placed around the victim’s neck, and is then lit). The ANC was able to turn out crowds for its ‘mass actions’, resulting in the pace of unrest and violence is increasing.

Remember, no political party on earth operates on its own, but operates at the dictates and direction of international finance, be it in South Africa, or in any other part of the world. That’s the nature of modern power politics. So, in a roundabout way, the Rothschilds did exercise control on the ANC through the SACP control of the ANC.

The external leadership of the ANC, symbolized by Oliver Tambo, was based in Sweden. Sweden also funded the exiles with massive amounts of money. Sweden is the territory of its richest and most powerful family, the Jewish Wallenbergs. They are the equivalent of the Oppenheimers in Sweden, and are very closely tied in with the Rothschilds. Some of their companies are Swedish Brown Boveri, (ABB), Volvo, Nokia, Saab, Ericson, Scania and more. A funny aside on this is that when the ANC took office, it was alleged that word went out to the South African underworld, that no Volvo cars should be hijacked, as it would give a bad name to the car, which was produced by the Wallenberg family, secret funders of the ANC exiles residing in Sweden!

Barely 2 months after Rockefeller’s Chase bank pulled the plug on South Africa, then Anglo chairman Gavin Reilly led a delegation of South African businessmen to Lusaka, Zambia to meet with the leadership of the ANC, which was in the political doldrums at that time. The date was September 13, 1985.

By then everyone in the know realized that the ANC in its time recognized as the world’s most incompetent revolutionary movement, could not by itself have brought South Africa to its knees, not will all of its AK47’s, mortar bombs, its terror and torture. Indeed by 1985, the ANC was more or less a fable, strapped for cash, defeated on the ground inside South Africa, and lacking international clout. The crucial year was 1985, when the future and fortunes of the ANC changed.

Out of the blue, two of the wealthiest families in earth come riding to the rescue. Acting in collusion, they set about applying a squeeze on South Africa which would, a decade later, result in South Africa’s long-awaited coup de grace. Before these two families rescued the floundering ANC/SACP, South Africa was the most industrialized and economically advanced country on the African continent. It had a bright future, if it could bring its black population on board, with the application of advanced education, equal rights, and working together. This was a prospect definitely on the agenda of these two families. A decade later, South Africa was dead in the water, a mere shell of its past; its future hopes shattered. And though more people now live in fear than before, its citizens are assured that they have “peace”.

For this, the misery of millions, we can thank two people; David Rockefeller and Harry O, patriarch of Anglo/de Beers, one of the richest, most powerful cartels in the world, a giant corporate interlock with its web of secret holdings, and it, in turn, is an arm of the immensely powerful and richest family in the world – the Rothschild family.

In the early 1990s, a top executive of Anglo American spoke candidly to a reporter in Johannesburg “Let the blacks rule – we will make a lot more money out of a black government than out of a white one, because they would be a lot easier to manipulate.“ Added one of his colleagues “It does not bother us if a black radical regime comes in. We will just put up the fences and keep pulling the minerals out just the same”.

Back in the 1960s, another Anglo executive took a childhood friend of his out on a windswept beach outside Cape Town, where they could talk without being overheard. The friend, a patriot of South Africa, had expressed unease over Anglo’s policies even then. The Anglo executive told him “There is a plan, a long-term plan, that within 25 years, South Africa will be turned into a country which can be controlled from the outside.” How true this has become.

By funding, propaganda, and financial warfare, the American and British elite have made amply clear that the ANC is their choice to rule South Africa. As we shall see, South Africa is the only country in the world, in modern times, where power, through a revolution, has changed hands mainly due to talking. And two decades later, they are still talking, with not much progress on the alleviation of the poor, with little improvement on the economic front, and with a horrendous decline on the moral front.

The Total Onslaught Policy of Pretoria

 The South African military and security forces unleashed hell in southern Africa, trying its best to contain the smell of freedom and victory for its oppressed black majority.  The aim of the West was to bleed the country dry, until it surrenders to the forces of international finance. The turning point came in Angola.

Between October 1987 and June 1988, in the fiercest conventional battles on African soil since Erwin Rommel was defeated at El Amien, the South African Defence Forces (SADF) fought pitched tank and artillery battles with the Angolan army (FAPLA, the People’s Armed Forces for the Liberation of Angola) and its Cuban supporters at Cuito Cuanavale. This small base located in south eastern Angola became important in the military history of Africa, for there the South African army, supposedly the best on the continent, was trapped with its tanks and artillery and held down more than 300 miles from its bases in Namibia. Failing to take Cuito Cuanavale with over 9,000 soldiers, even after announcing that it had done so, losing air superiority, and faced with mutinies among black troops and a high casualty rate among whites, the South Africans reached such a desperate situation that President Botha had to fly to the war zone when the operational command of the SADF broke down.

With Cuban reinforcements, the Angolans withstood major assaults on January 23, February 25 and March 23. The South Africans were repulsed with heavy losses, and the Angolan/Cuban forces seized the initiative. For the first time since 1981, the Angolan army was able to reoccupy the area adjacent to Namibia. So confident were the Angolans and Cubans, that in the space of less than three months they built two air strips to consolidate their recapture of the southern province of Cunene. Trapped by the rainy season, bogged down by the terrain, and encircled, the South Africans made one desperate attempt to break out on June 27 and were again defeated. One South African newspaper called the defeat “a crushing humiliation.”

These episodes of war were followed by diplomatic initiatives that the South Africans had previously been able to block. After the March 23 reversals at Cuito Cuanavale, the South Africans started talks that culminated in the December 22 agreement. For the Angolans, who had been fighting continuously since 1961, the war and diplomacy were focused not only on the limited question of the South African withdrawal from Angola, but also on ending South African destabilization of the region and on independence for Namibia. Diplomatic initiatives accelerated after the South Africans failed to break out of their encirclement at Tchipa on June 27. Only then could the front line combatants and the United States agree on the basis for withdrawal of the South Africans from Angola.

The Militarization of Africa

It is important to understand the scope and nature of the spread of the apartheid war machine across Southern Africa:

  1. The South Africa-backed contra war in Mozambique has devastated the country. More than a million Mozambicans have been driven from their communities, over 250,000 have been killed or maimed, and the whole economy of Mozambique has been irreparably damaged. The territorial integrity of Mozambique is upheld by the intervention of Zimbabwean troops (and, until IMF pressures forced their withdrawal, by Tanzanian troops).
  2. There is a war of economic destabilization against the nine states of the Southern Africa Development Coordinating Conference—Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. South Africa supported a coup in Lesotho in 1986 and backed an unsuccessful mercenary intervention in the Seychelles in 1981. It was behind a coup attempt in Tanzania in 1983 and has provided continuous support for armed elements in Zimbabwe since independence. The South Africans have carried out raids on Maputo (Mozambique), Harare (Zimbabwe), and Gaborone (Botswana), and attacked refugees in Swaziland.
  3. There is a counterinsurgency war in Namibia. Here the South Africans have over 120,000 troops, making it one of the most militarized spaces on the earth. This war has spilled over into a conventional war in Angola.

The Angolans launched an offensive against Savimbi’s base areas in south eastern Angola, and the battle at the Lomba River was the preamble to the big battle at Cuito Cuanavale, where the Angolans decided to set up a defensive line. The SADF started its siege in November of 1987. When they faced stiff resistance from the Angolans, the operational command of the SADF broke down. It was at this point that President Botha had to boost the morale of his troops in person. This visit prompted the fortification of the Angolan position by the Cubans, who had been out of direct fighting since 1981. The Cuban command calculated that if the FAPLA defensive line broke the Cuban forces themselves would be threatened. The siege of Cuito Cuanavale now involved all the combatants of the Angolan theater of the war: the Angolans, the Cubans, SWAPO, and the ANC on one side; and the SADF, the Americans, and UNITA on the other.

Supported by radar on the ground, Angolan and Cuban MiG 23s proved superior to the South African Air Force. With its air force grounded and its tanks stopped by mines and difficult terrain, the besieging force was reduced to shelling Cuito Cuanavale at long range for three months. In major ground battles in January, February, and March, the South Africans failed to take it.

By the time of the March attack, the conditions of battle had begun to turn against the SADF. First there was a mutiny by the conscripted troops of the Southwest African Territorial Force. The South Africans were racist even in military tactics, and placed black troops in front of the white troops to bear the brunt of the fighting. Second, the heavy equipment bogged down on the eastern bank of the Cuito during the rainy season. Most important, without air support, the South Africans were outgunned by the Angolans. By the end of March the South African siege was over and the South Africans themselves were trapped and under siege.

The war became more and more unpopular in South Africa when young whites began coming home in body bags. This intensified the End Conscription campaign in South Africa and forced the South Africans to take steps leading to the talks among the principal combatants: the Angolans, the Cubans, the South Africans, and the United States. (It is important to see the United States as a combatant, and not as a peacemaker, as the Western media have suggested.) So confident were the Cubans and Angolans after repulsing the South Africans that in the space of two months they built two airfields to consolidate their control of the southern provinces. At this point the United States attempted to open a new front in the north with UNITA. The calculation was that as long as UNITA was integrated into the SADF there would be little popular support for it in the United States. The U.S. military carried out exercises called Operation Flintlock in May to drop supplies for UNITA, hoping to relieve the trapped South African forces.

The reversal of the South Africans’ military fortunes was sealed at Tchipa on June 27, 1988. Here the SADF tried to open a new front to relieve the troops trapped at Cuito Cuanavale. In this decisive battle, the FAPLA forces confirmed their air superiority. When the news of their defeat at Calueque Dam reached South Africa, more young whites protested against the draft. One South African newspaper called the battle of Tchipa “a crushing humiliation.” It said, “The SADF resembled the trenches of the Somme, rather than the troops of a mobile counterinsurgency force.”

The Conference Table

The talks and jockeying about the independence in Namibia should be seen as an attempt to win at the conference table what South Africa had lost in battle. But in reality the South Africans had only two genuine choices: to negotiate a capitulation or to surrender openly. The siege of Cuito Cuanavale ended after the SADF agreed to withdraw from Namibia. At the same time, the South Africans are deploying former commandos of Koevet, a death squad-type organization, in an attempt to prevent a massive victory by SWAPO. But the siege of Cuito Cuanavale was a turning point in the process of militarization in Africa. It opened the way for the genuine decolonization of Namibia.

The siege of Cuito Cuanavale has changed the military balance in Southern Africa on the side of liberation; self-determination, not white domination, is the agenda of Africa today

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